Sanctions of mass destruction v. admitting our choice on the Iranian bomb

ARTICLE: “Behind the Urgent Nuclear Diplomacy: A Sense That Iranians Will Get the Bomb; ‘Sooner or later, it’s going to happen,’ says one senior American official,” by David E. Sanger, New York Times, 6 February 2006, p. A10.
ARTICLE: “Invoking Islam’s Heritage, Iranians Chafe at ‘Oppression’ by the West: From cartoons to the nuclear impasse, a sense of victimization,” by Michael Slackman, New York Times, 6 February 2006, p. A10.
ARTICLE: “Iran Keeps Door Open to Talks, Oversight of Its Nuclear Program,” by David Crawford, Wall Street Journal, 6 February 2006, p. A4.
OP-ED: “3 Myths About the Iran Conflict,” by Mel Levine, Alex Turkeltaub and Alex Gorbansky, Washington Post, 7 February 2006, p. A21.
OP-ED: “The Promise of Liberty: The ballot is not infallible, but it has broken the Arab pact with tyranny,” by Fouad Ajami, Wall Street Journal, 7 February 2006, p. A26.
ARTICLE: “U.S. Firms See Nuclear Pact as Door to India: Critics Fear Easing Rules Would Weaken Nonproliferation Agreement,” by Neil King Jr., Wall Street Journal, 7 February 2006, p. A4.
In my Feb 2005 Esquire piece, I basically said that Iran was getting the bomb no matter what, so the real question was, What are we going to get in return?
To many, that came off as “giving Iran the bomb!” Yes, as if we can decide such things at will. Did we “give” Pakistan, or India, or Israel, or North Korea the bomb? Or did they all just make the decision and we had to live with the consequences because we weren’t willing or able to stop that movement?
Same thing is happening with Iran, and the Bush Administration is coming to that realization. As one official put it, “Look, the Pakistanis and the North Koreans got there, and they didn’t have Iran’s money or the engineering expertise. Sooner or later, it’s going to happen. Our job is to make sure it’s later.”
That’s it? That’s our job? That’s our strategy? Our vision?
Here’s the key point: “Iran’s leaders have already noted that four other countries that the United States said should never become nuclear powers—Pakistan, India, Israel and North Korea—have all made the leap and are now, with the exception of North Korea, largely accepted as members of the nuclear club.”
So the real issue remains: How to make Iran an acceptable member of the club?
Of course, not everyone sees it that way. John McCain seems ready to bomb today, which pretty much cancels him out in my mind as the next president of the United States because it reminds me, yet again, that his specialty is letting his anger rule his judgment, a skill set he puts on display with dubious regularity.
Meanwhile, Iran keeps almost shutting the door but then always leaving just open enough to signal that it’s looking not so much for a way out, but a way in. Iran wants its security guaranteed, in much the same way Pakistan’s is guaranteed, despite being the home for Osama bin Laden. Unbelievable? Letting some government that obviously allows terrorism and terrorists to flourish within its borders have nukes? Even after it’s sold them recklessly? How can America abide by this? Where are John McCain’s bombs for Pakistan?
Hmm. Probably shouldn’t get him started.
Nixon will go to Tehran, because when he does, we’ll get what we want.
Sanctions are not the answer and never will be. All they do is deprive the weak and marginal in the targeted society while further empowering the entrenched elite and often enriching them beyond all reason. Think of all the success we had with sanctions in Iraq, and then wonder why we’d ever go down that pathway again.
Ah, but what mess do we get ourselves into when we encourage democracy in the region?
Here I turn to the always intelligent Ajami:
It was not historical naivete that had given birth to the Bush administration’s campaign for democracy in Arab lands. In truth, it was cruel necessity, for the campaign was born of the terrors of 9/11. America had made a bargain with Arab autocracies, and the bargain had failed. It was young men reared in schools and prisons in the very shadow of these Arab autocracies who came America’s way on 9/11. We had been told that it was either the autocracies or the furies of terror. We were awakened to the terrible recognition that the autocracies and the terror were twins, that the rulers in Arab lands were sly men who disguised the furies of their people onto foreign lands and peoples.This had been the truth that President Bush underscored in his landmark speech to the National Endowment for Democracy on Nov. 6, 2003, proclaiming this prudent Wilsonianism in Arab lands: “Sixty years of Western nations excusing and accommodating the lack of freedom in the Middle East did nothing to make us safe, because in the long run, stability cannot be purchased at the expense of liberty. As long as the Middle East remains a place where freedom does not flourish, it will remain a place for stagnation, resentment and violence for export.” Nothing in Palestine, nothing that has thus far played out in Iraq, and scant little of what happened in other Arab lands, negates the truth at the heart of this push for democratic reform. The “realists” tell us that this is all doomed, that the laws of gravity in the region will prevail, that autocracy, deeply ingrained in the Arab-Muslim lands, is sure to carry the day. Modern liberalism has joined this smug realism, and driven by an animus toward the American leader waging this campaign for liberty, now assert the built-in authoritarianism of Arab society.
My only addition to this brilliant analysis is to say that Bush’s definitions of freedom and liberty need to be based first and foremost in economics. Yes to all progress in politics, but democracy without development is a recipe for long-term failure.
But points taken: this Big Banger’s faith is somewhat restored by the growing realization within the Bush administration that the military option is simply not there on Iran.