ARTICLE: "Bush Focuses on Iraq as G.O.P. Tries to Change Subject," by John M. Broder, New York Times, 26 October 2006.
EDITORIAL: "Money Down the Drain in Iraq," by New York Times, 26 October 2006.
ARTICLE: "Warfare skills eroding as Army fights insurgents," by David Wood, , 24 October 2006, sent in by Chris Isgrig.
The problem with Bush pushing the war as a judgment factor in the election is that both the term (war) and American thinking on it (binary--as in, we win 100% or we leave) does not bode well for him. I know it all comes off as sheer terminology, but it's crucial.
What's going on in Iraq now is better captured by terms like counterinsurgency and postwar reconstruction and stability operations. In those paradigms, there is no easily defined ending, and victories tend to come in the 50-60% range--as in, you reach the critical mass. But it's never an obvious or abrupt conclusion, and it takes years--as in, upwards of a decade or more.
When Bush says, "trust me on this war," he's using the wrong word, but he's the one who made that choice, because it gave him the freedom to blow off potential allies (America really doesn't need allies for wars, but it does for postwars) and to get just enough of a mandate from the American people to conduct a war.
But Bush has never really sought any mandate from anybody on the postwar--not from the public nor from our allies. Thus, he basically plays into his critics's hands when he persists in calling Iraq a war: those who opposed the war (which was brilliantly waged by our armed forces) can now tar Bush with his mishandling of the postwar (and deservedly so). But the sad thing is, the well-run war and those who should feel proud of that effort now are no longer able, because it's been so badly squandered.
And that squandering, while it had much to do with the Pentagon, also had far more to do with the great failures across the rest of the USG--to wit, the non-existent interagency process. That failure will allow historians to paint a very critical portrait of Condi Rice's time in power (first in National Security Council, where, as Advisor, that was her essential job--a complete failure never well discussed; second as SECSTATE, where the rerun on WMD with Iran occurred on her watch, making our military's fight in Iraq continue to unfold under the worst possible circumstances--also toss in our non-engagement with Syria regarding its border).
Many people recognize these failures and are working hard to make appropriate changes for this Long War (a term that is as much a cry for help by the Army and Marines as a declaration of national determination), but because the interagency belongs to everyone, it is the responsibility of no one, so there isn't great hope that the next postwar will be that much better than the last one. And there is the realization that--as I have long argued--more failure will be required to pile up for change to occur.
The resistance to make any serious changes is already mounting and will continue to grow. As always, the Army will argue that its readiness for Big War will decline if it's forced to focus on postwar and counter-insurgency. This is true, and it's also irrelevant, because Big War simply isn't in the making. The best remaining big scenario (Korea) will not be a U.S.-ground-led affair, but this myth will be pushed by many inside the Army to prevent any further evolution in the direction of optimizing for COIN, which is why I see the elimination of this scenario in the near term as a very good development for the Army's future, for once we remove the last remaining scenarios for the fantastic premises surrounding land wars in Asia involving great powers, then the Army, as well as the Navy, can finally start adjusting to the Long War's real strategic environment more comprehensively.
That was one of the messages I delivered in Beijing: if you want the U.S. off the China/Big War model, then get rid of Kim and use that experience to build trust with the U.S. Do the same dastardly trick that Arbatov talked about regarding the Sovs/Russians--in effect, "we will do the worst possible thing to you: we will deny you an enemy."
None of this resistance should be surprising. Our national security establishment is still dominated on top by Cold War-bred thinkers (and will be through for another decade or so). Plus, the U.S. military's ethos, as Nagl points out so well in his book, has always been annihilation-oriented in definitions of victory in war. It simply believes that limited wars are wrong.
So don't expect the war-within-the-context-of-war mindset to disappear any time soon. A new generation of thinking exists and is rising, but the overthrow of the old order will take more than 9/11 and more than the failure in Iraq, especially since so much of academia is likewise tainted with this old mindset and does no better at teaching horizontal thinking than the military or U.S. government does within its own ranks.
What needs to drive our efforts at change is clear: our knowledge that our troops (specifically the Army and Marines) will--without this change--continue to fight under the worst conditions and suffer unnecessarily high casualties, constantly confronted with the claim that America cannot waste its time and treasure on such "lesser includeds" and instead focus on preventing and winning Big Wars against big opponents.
Yes, a certain amount of our strategy for change is simply waiting this crowd out--meaning until they retire and/or die. But that is not enough. If we do not raise the next generation of thinkers and do-ers capable of making all the horizontal connections, we'll simply be generating more square pegs for increasingly round holes, and that will only lead to more unnecessary deaths on our side and less relevancy for our forces in international security.
And that's just unacceptable.