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Monthly Archives

Entries from June 1, 2009 - June 30, 2009

11:17AM

Tom around the web

1:09AM

Tumult in Iran, and happiness

ARTICLE: Arab Activists Watch Iran And Wonder: 'Why Not Us?', By Sudarsan Raghavan, Washington Post, June 26, 2009

ARTICLE: Ahmadinejad Demands Apology From Obama, By Thomas Erdbrink and William Branigin, June 26, 2009

Nice combo of articles: Arabs wondering "Why not us?" and Ahmadinejad whining for an apology (truly weak-ass and pathetic: "Ooh! Sorry your public hates you so much!).

Overall, you have to be happy with this tumult. Just when we're so worried about being vulnerable in the region, "all-powerful" Iran suffers this huge bout of weakness (the kind that sticks and grows).

1:00AM

Victory in stability and oil sales

ARTICLE: Premier Casting U.S. Withdrawal as Iraq Victory, By STEVEN LEE MYERS and MARC SANTORA, New York Times, June 25, 2009

ARTICLE: Warily Moving Ahead on Oil Contracts, By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS, New York Times, June 25, 2009

ARTICLE: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/26/world/middleeast/26iraq.html?th&emc=th, By ALISSA J. RUBIN and CAMPBELL ROBERTSON, New York Times, June 25, 2009

Withdrawals ALWAYS lead to upticks in violence and bombing, with insurgents claiming "victory."

But the victory is ours and it's real, as evidenced by enough stability to start auctioning oil deals.

1:43AM

A list of reasons why I don't support strategic missile defense

OP-ED: "A Threat in Every Port," by Lawrence M. Wein, New York Times, 15 June 2009.

Great chart lists "132 ways to bring a bomb to America."

None of them involve a missile fired by a foreign state that would be immediately subject to retaliation.

I would give all that DoD missile defense money to Homeland Security's Domestic Nuclear Detection Office. I am certain that office could not possibly manage a more wasteful spending of the same billions.

Plus, we wouldn't end up pissing off other countries or erecting 21st-century Maginot Lines in Eastern Europe or Alaska ("Look, I can see a Russian!").

1:38AM

Kyrgyzstan kudos

ARTICLE: In Reversal, Kyrgyzstan Won't Close a U.S. Base, By MICHAEL SCHWIRTZ and CLIFFORD J. LEVY, New York Times, June 24, 2009

Nice little victory snatched from the jaws of defeat (and Moscow's overt bribery).

In the end, it was all about the money, so we paid up (and renamed it a transit center and now let the Kyrgyz do security), all of which is fine.

And now this bone of contention is gone before Obama goes to Moscow.

Good deal all around.

1:29AM

Stalinist Iran

FRONT PAGE: "Iran Stepping Up Effort to Quell Election Protest," By NAZILA FATHI and MICHAEL SLACKMAN, New York Times, June 25, 2009.

Per my piece for Esquire.com, the growing consensus of what this electoral putsch represents:

The nation's leadership cast anyone refusing to accept the results of the race as an enemy of the state. Analysts suggested that the unyielding response showed that Iran's leaders, backed by the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, had lost patience and that Iran was now, more than ever, a state guided not by clerics of the revolution but by a powerful military and security apparatus.

The absurd finger-pointing and accusations of treason and collaborating with foreign enemies is downright Stalinist.

12:58AM

Obama's courage on the Israeli settlements issue

FRONT PAGE: "New Focus on Settlements: Obama Pressures Israelis Over West Bank, But Effort to Stop Growth Faces Hurdles," by Ethan Bronner, New York Times, 6 June 2009.

A description of how Obama has changed an essential past aspect of the U.S.-Israeli relationship, one that's gone on for a very long time and yielded nothing but more violence.

Says a former leftist Israeli minister: "Obama may have found the soft underbelly of Israel, because ending settlements is a consensus issue in the world, among American Jewry and even among a majority of Israelis."

Another example of the mix of intelligence and practical courage that Obama brings to the job, not on everything by any stretch, but on a host of tough subjects.

12:51AM

Sunni v. Shia realpolitik

WORLD NEWS: "Saudi Arabia's Renewed Political Clout Counters Iran," by Margaret Coker, Wall Street Journal, 12 June 2009.

The Saudis are feeling confident after buying themselves a nice defeat of Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Fine by me, because it beats the alternative.

The roll-up of Iranian regional influence begins in earnest.

12:46AM

Pomfret speaks wisely on Tiananmen 20 years later

NATIONAL WEEKLY EDITION: "Twenty Years After Tiananmen: By giving citizens a piece of the action, the Chinese government maintains its grip," by John Pomfret, Washington Post, 15-21 June 2009.

I was on NPR with Pomfret once and he's always fairly impressive.

Pomfret asks the same question as The Economist's Banyan a while back, but comes up with a far better answer:

In 1989, a chorus of Western voices predicted the party's collapse. "One foot in power and one foot on a banana peel," was how the late, great David Schweisberg of United Press International described the party's predicament. I, too, filed my share of sensationalist dispatches, intimating a coming collapse.

But the party has defied such predictions. And it has done so by taking a brilliant step: giving a lot of Chinese--in the countryside, the cities, the media, the security services and the government--a bigger stake in preserving the existing order.

It wasn't enough for the Party to say, "get rich and stay away from politics," says Pomfret:

Instead of thwarting change, as it had in 1989, the party realized that it needed to lead it. "Keeping up with the times" has become its new motto--in the rural backwaters and the megalopolises, too.

Then a nice bit on the TVEs in the countryside (township and village enterprises) that absorb a lot of underemployed farm labor. They've also encouraged the party to force a lot of farmers off land too.

The party decided that peasants no longer have to pay taxes, and launched reforms in the cities that targeted the needs and desires of a growing middle class. The ownership society emerges:

The marchers who flooded Tiananmen Square in 1989 had, in the words of Cui Jian, the balladeer of that generation, "nothing to their names." But today's Chinese urbanites own apartments, cars and Jacuzzis--thing they really don't want to lose.

Ownership means you can get divorced when you want too.

In short, you can count most of them out when it comes to revolution.

Old Communist China controlled everything. You needed a certificate to marry, divorce, have kids, retire, travel within the country or abroad, move, change jobs. Now, when Chinese finish university, they find their own jobs. Want to travel abroad? Get married? Get divorced? Go ahead.

Pomfret then offers a nice appraisal of what he calls "graduated censorship."

Yes, the Party demonstrates its control mechanisms with Falun Gong, Tibet, and Xinjiang, but it has dramatically evolved in terms of its personnel, replacing hacks with technocrats and college grads. It also opened itself up to businessmen and now constantly schools its cadres.

It has also begun to experiment with a measure of intraparty democracy to weed out corrupt or incompetent officials, and it has worked hard to minimize internal battles.

What comes next?

The serious challenges: getting old before getting rich, a toxic environment, and a political system that drags on the economic juggernaut, in Pomfret's words. The Party also basically stands for nothing nowadays except its continued rule. There is no "there" there anymore.

Pomfret says the party emerges "triumphant" from Tiananmen (not that different from Banyan). He just notes the costs and the future challenges better.

12:36AM

New Core = new engine for global recovery

BUSINESS DAY: "Developing World Seen as Engine for Recovery," By NELSON D. SCHWARTZ and MATTHEW SALTMARSH, New York Times, June 25, 2009.

OECD prediction for next year: the BIC (BRIC minus Russia) lead. The Economist has started referring to the BIC v. BRIC (or just Brazil, India, China).

So some version of de-coupling is real, at least on the upside (recovery).

U.S. predicted to shrink almost 3% this year and grow nearly a percent next.

Personally, I welcome the development greatly. We have long complained that the global growth engine can't be solely the U.S. consumer.

12:34AM

A worthy protest against the Chinese government

INTERNATIONAL: "U.S. Objects to China's Web Filtering," By SAUL HANSELL, New York Times, June 25, 2009.

Ron Kirk, US Trade Rep, put it well:

"Protecting children from inappropriate content is a legitimate objective, but this is an inappropriate means and is likely to have a broader scope," Mr. Kirk said in the statement. "Mandating technically flawed Green Dam software and denying manufacturers and consumers freedom to select filtering software is an unnecessary and unjustified means to achieve that objective."

The six weeks notice also seems suspect, like a business/protectionist ploy.

7:29AM

Why Ahmadinejad Is Better for the U.S. Than Moussavi

As the beat-down goes on and the rhetoric ratchets up, President Obama's poker hand may be getting better. Dealing with an isolationist leader in the middle of a progressive uprising, after all, means you get thrown the aces.

Continue reading this week's World War Room column for Esquire.com.

1:23AM

The always intelligent Seib on Iran and the election

CAPITAL JOURNAL: "Rules on Iran Haven't Changed," by Gerald F. Seib, Wall Street Journal, 16 June 2009.

Best, most sensible bit:

The problem for the U.S., though, is that while all this may represent a positive turn toward a more reasonable Iran in the long run, one can hardly count on it. The Obama administration, in fact, has little choice but to continue to deal with Iran as if nothing fundamental has changed--and in fact, assume that the dispute makes the country harder to deal with, not easier, in the short run.

Four reasons cited:


  1. we've seen such previous outbursts go nowhere;

  2. so long as Ahmadinejad remains frontman, he's too erratic to deal with;

  3. the nuclear program will go on;

  4. the build-up on the Shah's fall was years in the making.

In short, Iran may have changed, but our problems with Iran remain the same and are unlikely to change any time soon.

Don't agree with everything here, but--again--sensible stuff.

1:21AM

The bad news on business in Iran

FEATURE: "Iranian Business Fears the Worst: One big worry; The commercial elite will flee the country if Ahmadinejad stays in power," by Stanley Reed, BusinessWeek, 29 June 2009.

Key call-out quote:

If they can start witch hunts against people like Rafsanjani, then who is safe there," muses one Tehran businessman.

There is no faith in Ahmadinejad. As one former gov official (now investment banker) said: "I don't think this guy knows what he's going to do when he gets up in the morning."

Spread cheeks, insert head.

Now Iranian business can look forward to four more years of Ahmadinejad's stewardship and plenty more sanctions. Then there's lower oil prices and a current real estate bust. One Tehran observer notes: "Business is almost dead for everybody."

I say, let the Guards continue their magic. It can only get better from our perspective.

1:17AM

A more straightforward sign that Israel seeks to contain U.S.

WEEK IN REVIEW: "Mideast in Flux: An Israeli Cozies Up To Moscow," by Clifford J. Levy, New York Times, 14 June 2009.

Avigdor Lieberman, the new Israeli foreign minister, emigrated from the former Soviet Union years ago. He recently returned to Russia, receiving a "notably warm reception" from Putin's government, which has displayed, we are told, none of the Obama team's "squeamishness" on Israel's hard line.

Russia, as we've known for a long time, wants to be seen as a serious great power in the Middle East.

Lieberman is romancing the Russians like no Israeli official before. Naturally, since both have a taste for wielding government power in heavy-handed ways (Lieberman has called for Arab citizens of Israel to take a loyalty oath, which is oh so Soviet), Lieberman and Putin get along quite nicely (it helps that the former is still fluent in Russian).

No, Israel is unlikely to ever get Moscow to go for truly harsh sanctions on Iran. After all, Russia is building that contested nuclear power plant in Iran.

Still, when regimes feel marginalized by the global powers-that-be, they tend to come together.

You say Chechnya, I say Gaza.

I know, I know. Eventually we'll have to press the reset button on Israel too. For now, though, both sides of this long-time special relationship are exploring the concept of dating other powers.

And thus this burgeoning bond will be interesting to track.

1:16AM

The Supreme Leader not so supreme anymore

NEWS ANALYSIS: "An Iron Cleric, Now Blinking," by Neil MacFarquhar, New York Times, 16 June 2009.

Great analytical piece by MacFarquhar, who is always good on Iran, that explores the notion that Khameini's grip on power is slipping.

Dovetails nicely with the spate of Revolutionary-Guards-taking-command analyses.

12:39AM

Good breakdown of power flows in Iran

WORLD NEWS: "Iran Arrests Reformers as Huge Protests Continue: Tehran Accuses U.S. of Seeding Dissent While Opposition Plans New Rallies; Probe Ordered Into Violent Attack on Students," by Farnaz Fassihi, Wall Street Journal, 18 June 2009.

Article is basically on the factional fighting implied by arrests of reformers (to include the more recent event of Rafsanjani's daughter being picked up), but the graphic is worthwhile.

Breakdown by text:

Appointed Supreme Leaders: appoints Head of Judiciary; appoints half of Guardian Council.

Assembly of Experts: appoints and monitors Supreme Leader.

Guardian Council: vets candidates for Assembly of Experts; vets candidates of Parliament and vetos its "bad" laws; vets candidates for President.

Head of Judiciary: nominates half of Guardian Council (apparently the other half?).

Parliament: Vets candidates nominated by Judiciary to Guardian Council.

Voters: elect President; elect Parliament; elect Assembly of Experts.

So direct elections of everybody who counts least, and those most important appointed leaders get to select each other--basically--while eliminating "bad" candidates for president and parliament.

It really is Byzantine. The Guardian Council shapes the Assembly of Experts, which picks the Supreme Leader, who picks the Head of Judiciary, and the two of them each pick half the Guardian Council, which shapes the presidency and parliament.

Our original system here in the States displayed a lot of mistrust of the mob, with only the House being a direct vote (Senate was appointed until early 20th century, and State governments picked presidential electors in majority of states until 1824). So the appointed Senate watched over the rowdy House and the largely appointed President watched over the Senate, with the appointed Supreme Court watching over it all. The "will of the people," such as it was, was somewhat buried under all that superstructure. Now, we really do elect the president and the Senate and it's only the Supreme Court that's appointed.

But with Iran, it's clear that, three decades after the revolution, there's little trust between the government and the public. The whole system seems set up to blunt popular will, despite all the lovely trappings.

Of course, you can say--as many do--the our two-party system "vets" and vetos plenty of non-mainstream candidates. It's just that our definition of mainstream is awfully damn wide, while Iran's is awfully damn tight.

Big point being: when our public really gets mad, that anger is processed electorally. But in Iran, it is--especially with this election--essentially thwarted.

12:35AM

Ross moves up

WORLD NEWS: "Key Iran Adviser Gains Obama's Ear," by Jay Solomon, Wall Street Journal, 18 June 2009.

Dennis Ross is arguably the right guy for now: he wants direct talks and wants to go right to the Supreme Leader, but he's pretty vigorous with the sticks and is largely trusted by the Jewish-American community.

Given the way this whole tumult has made the Supreme Leader look weak, that's a pretty good mix for our side.

Guy can basically say, "Listen, I want to deal and you know you should deal. But if you don't, don't expect us to hold off Israel."

Like I said in last week's Esquire.com piece, I like the dynamics as they're unfolding here. Obama shouldn't leap out in front. He should wait and capitalize on dynamics as they appear. The unrest in Iran is merely the set-up for greater possibilities.

But no, I still don't think it can overwhelm the government in Tehran right now or any time soon. I see a long, Solidarnosc-like struggle here.

We are at the beginning of the end here. Focusing on human rights for now is just fine.

12:34AM

Israel prefers clarity in Tehran

WORLD NEWS: "Some Israelis Prize Ahmadinejad's Role," by Yaroslav Trofimov, Wall Street Journal, 18 June 2009.

He does simplify things for an Israel sounding the alarm.

Mossad, according to this article, says Iran has the bomb by 2014--all things being equal.

So the careful, soft-spoken Iranian president would complicate things, just as our own similarly gifted president does.

The thing is, if you're Israel and you think Obama, gifted politician that he is, will likely win re-election--all things being equal, you get awfully tempted to make certain things decidedly unequal.

12:32AM

Institutionalized religion never really works with democracy

OPINION: "Iran's Clarifying Election," by Amir Taheri, Wall Street Journal, 15 June 2009.

The detailed rendition of the putsch theory, saying the military-security organs that back Ahmadinejad against the restive public (and, arguably, against the theocrats too) essentially stepped-up and, in a heavy-handed fashion, grabbed control of this election.

So now comes the purge, it is predicted, of all the reformist and non-hardliner types like Khatami and Rafsanjani.

So the die is cast and there is no more any illusion of taming the theocracy from within. The military has, in essence, sided heavily with the regime in not allowing change to unfold, so for real reform to happen, we're talking serious upheaval.

Ahmadinejad is portrayed as a beyond-Nixon-like figure who's willing to fight it out completely at home and abroad (whereas the real Nixon chose), the suggestion being that he's taken on too much.