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4:10AM

The eternal "if . . . may" on nuclear proliferation

THE WORLD: "Going Nuclear: Global interest in finding alternative sources of energy may presage a new arms race," by Joby Warrick, Washington Post National Weekly Edition, 19-25 May 2008, p. 18.

Forty developing/emerging economies from Middle East/North Africa and Latin America tell the UN they're interesting in starting nuclear power generation programs.

Naturally, the proliferation crowd in national security is freaking, but maybe $150-barrel oil is driving this more—you think? People are amazed when Gulf nations with plenty of oil and gas explore the same, but if you check out their stunning rise in domestic consumption of the same, that too is not that odd, because it's leaving them with far less to export and when they don't export but consume their stuff, guess what? No income.

Arguably, both Saudi Arabia and Turkey, serious rivals of Iran, have a case for strapping on if Iran's going to man-up with a weapon capacity. Turkey's legitimately in the category of great power-with-nukes whether there's an Iran or not, Saudi Arabia less so, since their guarantor of security is ultimately their reserves, and the great desire by numerous external great powers to keep it all safe and accessible.

Beyond that, the arguments are reduced to this: once Iran has its nukes (unpreventable in my opinion), there are two ways this goes forward.

First, Iran-the-nation-state decides to cash-in on the advantage and forces status-enhancing and regime-recognizing contacts/negotiations/for with both regional powers and extra-regional great powers, like us. In that pathway lies mutual recognition between Israel and Iran, which is a regional deal-enabler if that's the way Iran wants to go, getting explicit in its we-are-the-Shia-champions role, because at that point, the scenario in which Israel takes them down or gets us to do the same or Saudi Arabia similarly pushes us basically evaporates. Iran, at that point, is out of the closet as Shia champion, confident enough that it can't be suppressed in the role. But that's an Iran that puts the failed revolution largely to bed and decides it's going to play more conventionally. That's clearly not an Iran led by Ahmadinejad; it's one where the pragmatic conservatives convince themselves and the Supreme Leader that there's a better way out of their current economic situation than playing East v. West, a dynamic currently working, given the choices of the Bush administration.

In that scenario, some regional players may logically decide they want nukes too, in order to make sure they've got seats at those tables. Not actually necessary, but they may come to that conclusion anyway.

Or, second, Iran-the-revolutionary-movement continues to shoot off its mouth and signals that it does not recognize the nuclear weapons rules of the road and isn't interested in cashing-in on the nukes but instead intends to use them as perceived threatening collateral for anything they continue to pursue in supporting regional non-states like Hamas and Hezbollah. In this path, Israel will strike eventually, and we'll back them up.

You can say, Why not stop Iran from the bomb?

If Iran is truly committed, and I think they are, then I don't think we'll ever muster the international consensus to stop the dynamic from unfolding. There's just too much East v West tension in the system: the East simply isn't sufficiently incentivized to trust us enough and not—in contrast—prefer to see our tie-down continued in Afghanistan and Iraq. If the tie-down ends, we might start a worse war, in their opinion, with Iran, or worse, turn on them next, as the neocons around McCain already signal their desire to do (see Kagan's latest book and the "league of democracies" bit).

As for Iran's actual capabilities, I've described my thinking on that for years now: the sloppy asymmetrical deterrence already exists, thanks to our past and ongoing strategic choices (the tie-down both operational and diplomatic). By that I mean, we can't make the conventional preventive strike/hard kill takedown, and conventional bombing, while gratifying emotionally, won't dead-end this pathway. Ditto for Israel. So we're both faced with going nuclear to prevent Iran from getting nuclear.

For now, Iran's playing it fairly cleverly: they've got the gun (crappy Scud-deluxes/duplexes from North Korea), they're making gunpowder (enrichment, with great public fanfare), and they're eschewing bullet manufacturing (the NIE report)—for now. As I've said: pretty clever and somewhat Japanese, with a lot of lip-flapping added in.

Iran may choose to never cross the bullet-line, and continue in this belligerent vagueness, but that seems sub-optimal over the long haul, getting them neither regime security nor economic opportunity (they can be China's energy whores to the max, but as they would eventually find out, it may be the devil and it may be the Lord, but you gonna have to serve somebody!). Nor does it allow them to capitalize on the Shia revival.

But what it would do, if Ahmadinejad's cohort prevails in 2009 (the election), is allow the revolution revivalists to continue to put off tough economic decisions and pretend that the Fidel Castro route works—with oil. Problem there is that the demographics don't favor that path for too much longer. Students started this party and, given enough non-opportunity, they can just as easily end it.

So again, for me, the discussion with accepting some of the strategic realities I've described and unwinding our unleveraged position—the great legacy of Bush-Cheney.

Reader Comments (6)

Wander over to debka.com for the discussion of when, not if, Israel attacks Iran...
July 1, 2008 | Unregistered Commenterjba
I think the hardliners in Israel may affect the outcome as much as the hardliners in Iran, and this is the random element in the equation. Many on the Israeli Right view the Israeli nuclear monopoly as essential to maintaining Israel's military position. This is not because Israelis are truly fearful of Iran launching a suicidal, apocalyptic nuclear attack. History teaches that nuclear weapons are unusable unless a country has a monopoly on them, as the US did in 1945. MAD works, and if it was able to work against serious nutjobs like Stalin and Mao, I don't see why it won't work against Iran. However, the corollary of this is that if Iran gets nukes, then Israel will lose the ability to make any credible threat of using nukes to deter a conventional attack. Many in Israel believe that the Israeli nuclear monopoly is what creates the incentive for the US to guarantee that Israel maintains massive conventional military superiority, i.e., to ensure that Israel is not vulnerable to a conventional threat so that it will never be forced to use nukes, as it may have been close to doing during the Yom Kippur War. Take away the nuclear monopoly, and Israel loses that leverage. Israeli hardliners do not believe that Israel can ever depend upon the mere goodwill of an outside power, even the US, and that massive military supremacy is the only way of guaranteeing Israel's survival. The fact that the next American President may have advisers who served in the hated Carter Administration reinforces that concern.
July 1, 2008 | Unregistered Commenterstuart abrams
Sounds like a neocon job to me.
July 1, 2008 | Unregistered CommenterLouis Heberlein
I'm not sure why you refer to Ahmadinejad in the 5th paragraph. He only has influences on the fringes of Iranian foreign policy. He can appoint two members to the Supreme National Security Council but not much else. Khameini is the most important person in Iranian foreign relations. Besides, it's not clear how much Khameini will put up with as associates of Ahmadinejad who made allegations of corruption were quickly dealt with; if that's a signal of Ahmadinejad's campaign strategy, then he's on a very slippery slope.
July 1, 2008 | Unregistered CommenterJeremiah
Jeremiah,

Agree, as my past writings on Ahmadinejad indicate.

jba,

Would you expect anything less?
July 2, 2008 | Unregistered CommenterTom Barnett
Couldn't agree more re: stopping Iran from getting the Bomb. We (in the west) haven't got the leverage and the East hasn't got the interest. Even if we did, Iranian leadership is of a firm enough mind that they'll get the Bomb even if they have to go NoKo style to do it - and then negotiate from there.

The question is how do we get Iran to start connecting to the global economy so that we can have some leverage over them? And can we do it without completely alienating Israel in the process - because it's going to look like we've given up on anti-proliferation efforts (and, honestly, that'll be because we have.)

So either as McCain or Obama... how's the US/West going to lure Iran into the global regime and out of this Castro-like route they're going?
July 2, 2008 | Unregistered CommenterAndrew in Baghdad

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